On 4th April 2022, Thisuri, a public policy researcher from Sri Lanka wrote an opinion piece for The Blahcksheep detailing the reasons for the economic crisis in the country. She ended her piece on an optimistic note even as the crisis was still unfolding. On 14th April, 2022, she followed up with a timely update on the mass protests that were shaping up the political climate in Sri Lanka (scroll below to read).
In this latest update as of 16th July, 2022, she takes us through the recent course of events that have resulted in a major political shift in her country. Read her dispatch to learn more about the recent developments taking place in Sri Lanka.
If you are from Sri Lanka or are affected by its recent turmoil, and would like to write about it, send us your blahs on email@example.com
#SriLanka 16th July, 2022: It has happened at last!
The former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa has handed in his letter of resignation and is currently believed to be in Singapore. Given the events leading up to the official announcement of his resignation, a much greater sense of celebration was anticipated. However, when the decision was finally announced, the general mood was one of ‘exhausted relief’.
The chaos and uncertainty of the past few days now seem to have become something of a ‘state of normalcy’. However, with an Acting President facing a controversial public reception and an uncertain transition of power looming ahead, the political crisis seems far from resolved. Even so, given the challenges and sacrifices made by the public over the preceding months, the key events from the past few days are worth remembering. This is my attempt to chronicle those tumultuous events that brought us partial relief and restored our hope at last:
8th July: In anticipation of a planned mass protest in Colombo, an island wide “police curfew” was imposed by the police chief. In a matter of hours, this move was criticized by opposition politicians and the Sri Lanka Bar Association (BASL) as it did not hold any legal basis.
9th July: An announcement was made lifting the “police curfew” and people began making their way towards Gota-go-gama in front of the Presidential Secretariat. Due to the severe fuel shortage, people resorted to using the limited public transport, hitchhiking, walking and cycling for many miles. Security forces repelled protestors who had advanced towards the Presidential Residence, using tear-gas and water cannons.
Around midday, the crowd increased to over 100,000 people by some estimates. Security forces were unable to contain the advance and resort to harsher means. Video footage suggested this involved beating protestors and at one point shooting at the crowd.
The Presidential Secretariat and Presidential Residence were eventually overrun by the crowd. People swam in the pools, slept on beds and in general took the opportunity to occupy spaces that were usually not accessible to the public.
As public pressure mounted on the streets, other groups including politicians and religious leaders also requested President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and the newly appointed Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe to step down immediately in order to form an all-party interim government. Although the Prime Minister expressed his willingness to step-down, it was on the condition that he remained in power until the all-party government was established.
Increased military and police presence was seen in the vicinity by nightfall, following which several journalists reporting from the Prime Minister’s personal residence were assaulted on live television by security forces. The Prime Minister’s personal residence was set ablaze. It remains unclear as to who is responsible for the fire.
By late night, the media reported that President Rajapaksa would resign on the 13th of July. It was later reported that over 100 persons were injured but no deaths were reported. The days leading up to the 13th were mostly tense and uncertain.
13th July: As the morning arrived, there was no news of his resignation. Instead, media reported that President Rajapaksa was attempting to secure a flight out of the country and head towards the Maldives. As the day progressed and the resignation delayed, tensions re-emerged and protestors headed towards the Prime Minister’s Office. At the same time, military helicopters appeared around Gota-go-gama, flying close to the crowds.
Much like on the 9th, protestors eventually overpowered security forces and captured the Prime Minister’s office. This was the turning point at which BASL issued a statement expressing concern and requested the protestors to return the Prime Minister’s office to the relevant authorities. Following a conflict near the Parliament premises, the crowds were dispersed with military force. The letter of resignation still in question, a curfew was imposed by the Acting President (former Prime Minister).
14th July: Protestors then withdrew from the public buildings including the Presidential Secretariat and Residence as well as the Prime Minister’s Office. President Rajapaksa flew to Singapore on a Saudia flight. By around 9pm, the office of the Speaker stated that the resignation letter had been submitted but it was necessary to verify the document.
15th July: In a press conference at around 9.30 am, the Speaker confirmed that Gotabaya Rajapaksa had resigned from his post. He added that a new President would be selected as per the Constitution within seven days and the Prime Minister would perform the duties of the Acting President until such time.
Parliament is set to convene on the 16th of July. *fingers crossed*
14th April, 2022: An update on the current situation in Sri Lanka by the author:
• Appointment of a new Central Bank Governor: A new Governor was appointed to the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe who subsequently tightened the monetary policy. He announced on 12th April that Sri Lanka will be suspending debt servicing (i. e. repayments of loans and interest) and will instead prioritise importing of essential goods. He added that the country is looking to restructure debt and requested Sri Lankans living abroad to donate foreign exchange to the country’s reserves to be used exclusively to import essentials such as food, fuel and medicine.
• The rupee depreciated further to LKR 330 per USD. Fitch ratings downgrade Sri Lanka from a ‘CC’ to a ‘C’ rating.
• Following numerous reports by medical personnel in the country regarding shortage of essential medical equipment and medicines, the Director General of Health Services appointed a coordinator to ensure uninterrupted medical services and to coordinate donations of medical supplies. The Department of Government Information however released a warning indicating there was no shortage. This statement was independently fact checked by Watchdog Sri Lanka and was considered false. The Department of Government Information issued another statement subsequently, correcting it’s previous statement that there was indeed a shortage in some hospitals but measures have been taken to address this.
• The Prime Minister addressed the nation via television on 12th April. Both the PM and President have refused to step down.
• The opposition has signed a no-confidence motion against the government and an impeachment motion against the President on 12th April.
• A fifth person has passed away while waiting in queues to buy essential goods and services.
• People have continued to hold protests across the country. Most notable is the gathering at the Galle Face area in Colombo, named “Gota-go-gama” (village of Gota-Go), where protestors have set up camp urging for the resignation of the President, political reforms and economic stability.
4th April, 2022
In this opinion piece titled “Hope Amidst Catastrophe: Sri Lanka’s Calls to End Corruption”, Thisuri, a public policy researcher, writes from Sri Lanka, explaining in detail triggers for the current economic and political crisis in the country, and the way ahead.
We have witnessed unprecedented events unfold in Sri Lanka recently. This includes demonstrations outside President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s house, imposition of the emergency rule, a 36-hour nationwide curfew, internet shutdowns, and mass resignations of Cabinet members.
A tiny baby dressed in pink looks over the shoulder of a mother walking among a crowd, her arm raised in a gesture of defiance. This was one of the many heart-wrenching images that took social media platforms in Sri Lanka by storm as protestors stepped on to the streets to voice their grievances in Colombo on 31st March, 2022. Weeks of smaller protests and vigils culminated in a crowd of people gathering on the the street outside the residence of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, President of the Sri Lanka.
In the ensuing chaos, there emerged reports of excessive use of violence and intimidation by security forces to disperse protestors, which ultimately only fanned the flames of unrest. By 3rd April, a country-wide curfew had been imposed in addition to a ban on social media in anticipation of large-scale public displays planned for the day. Yet, these efforts to quell outcries for the resignation of political elites headed by the President, only appear to have resulted in greater publicity for the movement prompting more support from Sri Lankans both at home and abroad.
The tipping point that led to widespread protests is evidently the prolonged economic hardships faced by the people including over 13 hours of daily power cuts and shortages of essentials such as fuel, food, medicine, paper and cement coupled with their soaring prices at a time when many had not recovered from the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic. But the outrage seems to be driven not only by the failure of political leaders to address these pressing issues, but also their actions that seemed to trivialise the suffering of the ordinary and in some cases actively worsened the existing crisis. The ongoing hardships and related protests are however merely symptoms of the much deeper political and economic malaise, that can be summarised as decades of failed attempts by various regimes to establish a steady path towards development in post-independence Sri Lanka.
Economically, the immediate crisis can be attributed largely to the country’s dwindling foreign currency reserves. This in turn is associated with issues such as the country’s limited and volatile sources of foreign currency earnings which have been insufficient to meet Sri Lanka’s international expenses mainly in terms of imports and debt obligations. In an ironic twist, many measures imposed with the professed intention of easing the forex crisis such as poorly planned import restrictions and excessive regulations on foreign exchange rates backfired, effectively choking the local economy and discouraging incoming remittances.
The impact of the ongoing forex issue reached a critical point as it took its toll on the power and energy sector of the country. Sri Lanka’s national electricity supply over half of which depends on coal and oil was hard hit by the lack of funds to secure necessary fuel, resulting in an estimated LKR 1 billion loss to the economy daily in mid-March. Loss of power during a time when many public and private institutions had shifted to full or partial remote working was an additional burden on the public.
Beyond this, shortages of diesel and LPG cooking fuel hampered production and sales and also the daily life of citizens as many spent hours searching for elusive supplies, and standing in long queues where tempers frayed and at times violent confrontations broke out. Countless other essential goods and services faced a similar condition with the rate of inflation under 5% in early 2021 rising up to 17.5% within the span of a year. With added implications of global events such as fluctuations in fuel prices and the war in Ukraine, Sri Lanka’s economic woes worsened steadily, impacting an increasing number of citizens with each passing day.
The ‘Go Home’ Movement
Beyond these inciting events, dissatisfaction and outrage over policies by political elites and government authorities had been gaining greater traction in Sri Lanka in recent years. The failure to prevent and later prosecute those responsible for the 2019 Easter Sunday Attacks that resulted in the death of 269 people, and more recently the abrupt ban on chemical fertilisers which threatened the country’s food security as well as the apparent lack of accountability during the explosion of over 700 LPG cylinders in late 2021 were but a few other events that added to sentiments of public disillusionment. Moreover, the numerous “Let them eat cake” moments widely discussed through social media platforms showcased the utter disconnect between the ruling and the ruled as well as the lack of accountability of those in power.
And so, despite securing a majority victory during the previous presidential and parliamentary elections on a wave of nationalist rhetoric, the present ruling party and the Rajapaksa family in particular have garnered serious new criticisms associated with the current crisis. Bolstered by long standing allegations of corruption, mismanagement of public funds and human rights violations, this latest movement calling for an end to corrupt practices and effective solutions to the economic crisis at hand, quickly became a rallying point for all those who had felt wronged by a system of political privilege, not limited to the ruling party alone.
As suggested by many, the extraordinary success of this movement, unlike its predecessors lies in the collective action by various communities across the country unhindered to a large extent by differences in class, caste, ethnicity and religion. Equally noteworthy is the call to carry out public displays peacefully by the protestors so that those in power cannot manipulate the narrative of events and justify a violent response. Finally, the move to avoid or limit affiliations to existing political parties has also enabled the Go Home, Gota Movement to gather greater public support. With the sheer volume of people mobilising both physically and virtually, efforts at curbing the protests seem to have been unsuccessful.
Light at the end of the tunnel?
While the success of the Go Home movement is worthy of acknowledgment and continued support, there are concerns too. The most pressing concern is the lack of a well-defined plan to address the vacuum of power that would be created with the potential stepping down of the current political establishment. Even in an optimistic outlook where a new political order is established, the mammoth task of stabilising Sri Lanka’s economy remains to be addressed. And so, another cause for apprehension is that while economic troubles and the restriction of rights might fuel the momentum towards a common goal momentarily, the possible solutions to address the underlying economic and political woes of the country may not be as unanimously approved of. Evidently, the road ahead is neither clear nor easy. But for the first time in a long time, many Sri Lankans have a glimmer of hope about a change that may be for the better.
Thisuri Rojie Ekanayake
Thisuri is a recent graduate of the Faculty of Arts, University of Colombo. She holds a BA (Honours) in Economics and is currently employed as a Research Assistant working on migration and urbanisation policy research at the Institute of Policy Studies in Sri Lanka. Thisuri’s research interests include economics of labour, gender, health and development. Prior to this, she has completed a Civil Society Fellowship at the Asia Foundation as well as several internships at leading research institutions in Colombo.